Adhir Chowdhury, ‘Shah Rukh Khan' of Berhampore’, tests comeback in Bengal Assembly polls
Telegraph | 23 April 2026
Congress workers in Murshidabad believe that Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury is “the Shah Rukh Khan” of Berhampore. A candidate who needs no star campaigner because, they insist, he is the star.
Back in the electoral fray of the Assembly after three decades, Chowdhury’s return is being watched as a test not only of his personal resilience but also of whether an older, personality-driven model of politics can still hold ground in the district, which has seen the highest SIR deletions.
“People don’t come here to see anyone else,” said Manoj Chakraborty to The Telegraph Online, the Congress candidate from Sagardighi and a long-time associate of Chowdhury. “For us, Dada himself is the campaign.”
Chowdhury, who represented Berhampore in the Lok Sabha five times between 1999 and 2019, suffered a setback in 2024 when he lost to cricketer-turned-politician Yusuf Pathan of the Trinamool by 85,022 votes.
Chowdhury won the Berhampore Lok Sabha from 1999 to 2019.
The defeat marked the end of a two-decade-long dominance in the constituency, but local Congress leaders argue that the loss has not eroded his personal credibility.
“Within three months, people themselves started saying this was not right,” Chakraborty said, referring to the aftermath of the Lok Sabha result. “There were discussions everywhere — in markets, schools, colleges.”
In 2026, Chowdhury has shifted his focus back to the Assembly, contesting from his home turf in a seat the BJP had won in 2021 by more than 26,000 votes. His re-entry into state politics comes 30 years after his debut victory from Nabagram in 1996.
On the ground, his campaign is marked by a steady rhythm rather than spectacle. Party workers describe tightly packed schedules, with Chowdhury beginning early in the morning and covering multiple locations before noon. The emphasis, they say, is on direct engagement rather than large, centrally orchestrated rallies.
That approach also reflects a conscious decision to limit the presence of national leaders.
While figures such as leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi remain central to the party’s national campaign, local organisers in Berhampore suggest that high-profile visits can sometimes be counterproductive.
“When leaders from Delhi come, everything slows down,” said a senior district functionary. “Workers get tied up in arrangements, and the candidate loses visibility. Here, people want to see Adhir Chowdhury.”
Chowdhury’s enduring appeal, supporters argue, lies in accessibility. Over the years, he has cultivated a reputation for intervention — whether raising issues of migrant workers in other states or responding to local grievances at short notice. For many voters, this access continues to distinguish him from rivals.
In areas such as Daulatabad, residents gather in large numbers at his campaign stops, often waiting not just to hear him speak but to take photographs. Chakraborty, who was never Chowdhury’s side even after TMC dominance, returned to the comparison with Shah Rukh Khan.
“It’s like he is Shah Rukh Khan here,” he said.
The rise of the Trinamool as the dominant force in the state, alongside the BJP’s growing presence, has reshaped electoral dynamics in Murshidabad.
Local residents express a mix of frustration and fatigue. Complaints against the Trinamool Congress centre on allegations of “promoter raj.”
At the same time, the BJP faces criticism over its local representation. Subrata Maitra, the sitting MLA, is described by one resident as largely absent from day-to-day public life. “Bidhayak (BJP MLA) is a ghost to the poor, ” one resident said.
Chowdhury’s campaign seeks to position him as a familiar and dependable figure rather than a disruptor. His supporters argue that, even in defeat, his personal rapport with voters has remained intact.
The constituency of Berhampore, however, is not the only arena where older political patterns intersect with newer realities. Around 30 kilometres away, in Domkal, the election carries a more fraught history.
Long associated with electoral violence, Domkal has seen decades of intense political rivalry — first between the Congress and the CPM, and more recently involving multiple parties. Local residents recall a “voting culture” in which territorial control often played a decisive role.
“In earlier times, controlling a lane could decide the result,” said one local voter. “People risked their lives.”
While the scale of violence has fluctuated over the years, concerns around polling-day tensions persist. Domkal has had a pattern of clashes in and around elections, particularly during panchayat polls since the early 2000s.
Among the candidates, CPM’s Mostafijur Rahaman has emerged as a figure of interest. Once seen as emblematic of the Left’s decline after its 2021 electoral setback, Rahaman has spent the past few years rebuilding grassroots connections.
“The man has been with people continuously,” said a local driver. “That matters.”
Even so, the broader perception among many residents is that the electoral field remains uneven, with the organisational strength of the Trinamool Congress casting a long shadow. Others describe a more competitive contest, particularly between the Congress and the CPI(M).
Many still remember Murshidabad, the land of nawabs, where Muslims constitute a majority of the population, for fluid community relations.
"Here, Hindus and Muslims eat together and share a bidi; you won't know who's Hindu or Muslim,” said one local resident.
Berhampore and Domkal together offer a window into a district at a political crossroads — where legacy leaders like Chowdhury continue to command loyalty, even as in some places it is the CPM, Congress, and the TMC fight it out.