With the Enforcement Directorate (ED) now conducting raids at his properties — six have been searched so far — a key challenge for investigators is finding links between him and the land allegedly grabbed at his behest.
Known locally as Bhai, such was Sheikh’s clout that TMC candidates who contested from Sandeshkhali assembly constituency would often win unopposed or with margins as high as 95%. The constituency comprises two blocks — Sandeshkhali 1 and Sandeshkhali 2 — in North 24 Parganas district.
But that would change starting January 5, when an ED team that went to conduct searches at his residence came under attack from his supporters. In February, Sandeshkhali was back in the news, as women started coming forward with allegations that they had been sexually harassed over the years by Sheikh’s associates. After 55 days on the run, the TMC strongman was arrested on February 29.
The Indian Express spoke to his associates, leaders in the TMC and opposition parties, and local residents to piece together his rapid rise and swift fall.
According to residents, Sheikh started his career helping trekkers in Sandeshkhali. Gradually, he started making appearances in rallies held by the Left Front, and grew close to a pradhan from the CPI(M).
His loyalty, though, would prove fickle — when the Trinamool Congress came to power, ending 34 years of Left rule, he was quick to join the party.
“He was ambitious and had already mastered the intersection of politics and muscle. After joining the TMC, he and his men slowly took control of the area. He became the upa pradhan of the Sarberia-Agarhati gram panchayat in 2013. There was no stopping him then,” said a local CPI(M) leader.
His first course of action was to elbow out other TMC leaders, becoming the area’s undisputed ‘don’.
In the 2019 post-poll violence, when local BJP leader Pradip Mondol was murdered, the initial police complaint had Sheikh’s name. But when the chargesheet was filed in court, his name had been dropped.
Simultaneously, he expanded his empire, with men who worked for him grabbing agricultural land and converting it to fisheries — either through false promises or by coercion.
According to those close to Sheikh, the 43-year-old paid around 200 youths anything between Rs 6,000 and Rs 15,000 a month to roam around Sandeshkhali on bikes. In fact, Sheikh himself had a fondness for biking. Said a close associate, “He would perform stunts, ride while standing up. Local youths loved it. His motorbike is now gathering dust near the jetty of Sandeshkhali island.”
A woman who participated in February’s protests said that on polling days, Sheikh’s “army” would simply say who people had to vote for, and his men would be present at polling booths to ensure that happened.
In the most recent panchayat polls eight months ago, Sheikh won uncontested and became a zilla parishad member from the TMC, being handed responsibility of the fisheries department. The party also made him the convener of Sandeshkhali assembly seat and block president of Sandeshkhali-I. TMC candidates and his now arrested cronies such as Uttam Sardar and Shibaprasad Hazra got 98-99% of the total votes polled.
A senior TMC leader said, “Because of his influence on the poll machinery, the president of North 24 Parganas district was not ready to hear any complaint against him. Forget the Opposition, even within the TMC, anybody who spoke against him was either assaulted or removed from the party.”
In 2019, Haladhar Ari, who had been TMC’s president of Berjamur area for 21 years, was dropped and replaced with Shahjahan’s brother, Sirajuddin. “There was a great rise and a great fall — but all this came at the cost of the party. All I can say is that party leaders should be good, educated people who can work for voters. Not hoodlums and Bahubalis who invoke fear and snatch lands,” said Ari. When protests flared recently against Sirajuddin, the TMC again made Ari party co-convenor of the area.
According to locals, Sheikh also ran a parallel court of justice, where people would look to him, and not the police, to resolve conflicts. “Police were ineffective and would either dismiss complaints or ask for money to act. Sheikh would just issue a diktat,” said a resident.
While he ruled through fear, Sheikh was also known to hand out cash whenever someone in need approached him – be it for a marriage or medical treatment. A businessman from Dhamakhali, Bazar Sheikh Ajijul, said, “Bhai always had plenty of money in his pocket that he would hand out whenever someone asked for help.”
While Sheikh is now behind bars, his imprint on the area is inescapable. If one travels along the Basanti Highway, it’s hard to miss the sprawling ‘Sheikh Shahjahan market’. Parked at the market, which also houses his fish wholesale business and a three-storey building he allegedly owns, is an open jeep which he used to travel in. On the walls of the market are posters hailing him and targeting the media for spreading canards.
In the wake of protests against him, the administration had opened an office to collect complaints and grievances from residents. The block development officer of Sandeshkhali-II, Arun Kumar Samanta, said, “So far, we have received around 2,000 complaints, of which more than 600 are related to land-grabbing. I cannot tell you who these complaints are against, but you can guess.”
However, officials said Sheikh was careful to cover his tracks. “According to the complaints, he and his brother grabbed hundreds of acres of land. But most of the land is not under their names since it was acquired by force, while the ownership never really changed. In some cases, there were verbal lease contracts where money was promised but never paid,” said an official from the block land reform office.
“There are three ways in which land was grabbed. One, they grabbed ‘rayati’ land of local Adivasis. Two, they grabbed agricultural land from local residents and converted it to fisheries. And three, there are instances of farmers converting agricultural land to fisheries after being promised lease money that was never paid,” explained the official.
The Indian Express visited one such “fish hatchery” unit on the embankment of Kalagachia river. It is named “Sheikh Sabina fish hatchery” but has Shahjahan Sheikh’s name written prominently on the walls.
Inside, rows of fish packaging materials lay unused and fish tanks were empty. “It is closed now. Shahjahan Sheikh used to visit regularly but I have not seen him for the last two months. ED officials came here recently,” said Rezaul Laskar (20), a worker there. Sheikh also has another fish hatchery at Chandipur in North 24 Parganas.
A senior TMC leader said, “You see properties on both sides of the Basanti highway — most belong to Bhai, though they may be registered in other people’s names. These include guesthouses, brick kilns, fisheries and agricultural land.”
His residence, where the ED team was assaulted, includes a cluster of four two-storey palatial houses with tinted glass windows, a pond and a garden. The four homes belong to Sheikh and his three brothers, Sirajuddin, Alamgir and Sheikh Jahangir.
A police picket has now been placed at the complex, with CCTV cameras keeping an eye on what transpires.
Sirajuddin’s wife, who did not want to be named, said, “Since January 5, all the men are away. Only the women and children remain. And, of course, the police.”